Showing posts with label Islamophobia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Islamophobia. Show all posts

Friday, February 9, 2018

Islamophobia and the Politics of Empire - Deepa Kumar on RAI (part 3 out of 5)

In this part of the interview with Deepa Kumar, a lot of the points are discussed, especially, how Islamophobia was born out of papacy. How Jews, Christians, & other pagans converted to Islam not on the basis of swords but after seeing how technologically & socially progressive Muslim society in Spain was, & how Middle East is in flames, right now, because Islamic countries were always being divided, controlled, & used by the Western imperial powers of UK, France, & US for their own purposes.
Islamophobia is no different from any other racial, religious and ethnic prejudice. It is based on ignorance that passes for common sense. It may be common but Islamophobia makes no sense from any point of view.
The spreading of Islamophobic fear and hatred is part of the fraud of the War on Terror. The "terrorist threat to the homeland" is an unreasonable fear. It has resulted in an over reaction that has cost Americans trillions of dollars, killed millions of people, disabled millions more & made yet millions more homeless, widows, widowers & orphans. The current War on Terror, inflaming the whole Middle East, is just the latest example where the US is illegally funding terrorists. Other recent examples are Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan, Sudan, DR Congo, Honduras and Rwanda just to name a few.
Islamic societies were never "barbaric hordes". They actually brought the culture to Europeans, who were actually living in Dark Ages. Europeans learned the administrative system of government, education (science, mathematics, arts), social justice etc. from Muslims & Islamic empire in the East (Ottoman empire) & the West (Spain & Portugal).
Now, the Islamophobia in the West comes from decades of subliminal messaging of the Western public through media (i.e. Hollywood). I am not discounting the fact here that Muslims, themselves, have also to blame for this Islamophobia. Muslims in general have walked right into the traps set by the Western government & media. Our public acts like how we are portrayed in the Western media. No doubt about it. But, the Western imperial powers have also always controlled our countries, through our own corrupt leaders, to get their hands on our resources.
Islamic countries are very rich in resources, from Morocco to Egypt, from Turkey to Pakistan, & from Maldives to Indonesia, & seeing this, Western empires have always divided our countries (Sykes-Picot treaty arbitrarily created so many little countries in Middle East after the defeat of Ottoman Empire), installed our leaders upon us (monarchy is not even allowed in Islam, & a whole family gets to rule & name a whole country after its own family name, i.e. Ibn Saud "owning" Saudi Arabia), & loot our countries from our own precious natural resources. These Western powers then become wealthy by using our resources, while keeping the corrupt leaders in place to keep these countries always in the developing mode. For instance, countries in the Middle East are spending billions upon billions in their purchasing of arms & ammunition from these same Western powers, & then using them on their own citizens or their own neighbours (Saudi Arabia killing thousands of Yemeni Muslims), instead of using those same dollars creating more jobs & more industries in their regions for millions of Muslims.
So, the Trudeaus, Trumps, Merkels, Mays, Macrons of the West happily sell their deadly weapons to Muslim leaders, while their public hates Muslims due to their media spreading Islamophobia, & all the while, their administrations broker deals to steal precious natural resources of Islamic & other non-Islamic, developing countries. That's the two-faced, hypocrite, stab-in-the-back developed Global West !!!
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PAUL JAY, SENIOR EDITOR, TRNN: So we're going to talk about the history of Islam.
DEEPA KUMAR, ASSOC. PROF. MEDIA STUDIES AND MIDEAST STUDIES, RUTGERS UNIV.: The first 300 to 400 years of contact with the Muslim empire, with the Muslim armies, isn't seen as a specific threat to European interests. Norman Daniel, who's the most influential scholar on this, calls this the age of ignorance, which is people in Europe really didn't know anything about the religion Islam, & they didn't see them as being a particularly important threat. They just saw them as yet another barbarian horde like the others that they had to deal with. Even though the Muslim armies are making incursions into Europe in the eighth century & so forth, they see them as just another threat that must be vanquished.
JAY: But if they see them as barbarian hordes, is that the beginnings of thinking of Islam as barbarian hordes? 'Cause that's part of the Islamophobia now; that's the vision.
KUMAR: Absolutely. But the sharp focus on Muslims as being barbaric & as being particularly demonic actually only happens in the 11th century in the context of the Crusades. And even then, the very first holy war wasn't a holy war. It was about the papacy wanting to establish spiritual & political control over a united Christian Europe. And what better way to do it than to inflame a holy war & to extend its influence into the Byzantine Empire, or Eastern Rome, right?
And so it's in that context that they start to commission studies of Islam in order to develop a propaganda. ...
... when they spread into the Persian Empire & into the Christian Byzantine Empire, very often, because of hundreds of years of conflicts between these two empires, people didn't put up a fight. Sometimes they just welcomed them in. And when the Muslim armies took over & established their rule, they gave people a choice: you convert to Islam or you practice your own religion & pay a tax.
JAY: ... Islam arises at a time of a great decline of the Persian Empire & a great decline of the Byzantine Empire. It's actually really filling a kind of void.
KUMAR: That's right. It's filling a void. And it comes in as a young, energized force that is able--that offers revitalization in the region. And this is, of course, why people would start to convert from Christianity to Islam and so on. And when the conversion--this happens over a course of 100, 200 years. And so when that starts to take place, that's when the European elite start to see Islam as an existential threat & they try to find ways to explain it. And so one of the explanations that's given is, oh, people are converting to Islam because Islam allows men to take four wives. And so it's because sexual indulgences are allowed; that's why they are converting. It's not about the religion. And the Prophet Muhammad is also seen as a cardinal of the Christian faith who tried to create his own branch, but because he couldn't come to power that way, created another religion.
JAY: Well, if it wasn't about having four wives, what was it about? Why was Islam so successful?
KUMAR: Well, because where they ruled, for the most part they ruled & brought prosperity. So if you look at the Iberian Peninsula, what's known as Al-Andalus, which is the name given to the 700 or 800 year rule of the Muslims in Portugal, in Spain, & so on, they brought massive development--technological development, development in medicine; the standard of living of people really greatly rose; & you had street lighting & all the rest of it. So that's why people, when they saw what these people could do, would convert.
JAY: And is it partly because Islam created a set of rules that gave more order to the society? What I've read both in decline of Persian & Byzantine empire, things had gotten very chaotic, like, in terms of there's almost no rule of law in some ways.
KUMAR: Yeah. Actually, the sharia law ... was developed, actually, in the context of trying to administer a huge empire. And you needed to have rules, you needed to figure out everything about how a society functions. And therefore it was invented, to actually create some order out of the chaos.
JAY: And when they talk about clash of civilizations & this being Europe versus the Islamic Empire & then the Ottoman Empire, it's not really about clash of civilizations so much. It's about clash of empires.
KUMAR: Absolutely right.
JAY: So it's about a class of economic interest.
KUMAR: That's right. It's completely about a clash of economic interests. It's about the leaders, the political leaders in Europe versus the political leaders in the Middle East & so forth duking it out for power.
And the fact of the matter is that these leaders were not always against each other as well, because even in the context of the Crusades, you see alliances being made between the Crusader kings & the Muslim kings & people betraying each other for political gain, for economic gain. So there's--the idea that somehow Muslims & Christians have always been at loggerheads with each other is simply not borne out.
JAY: ... actually when you're talking back in that period, you're comparing the Spanish Inquisition, which was burning nonbelievers at the stake, to the Ottomans, who actually were extremely tolerant, from my understanding. I was in Albania & got to know the place a little bit, & if you just called yourself a Muslim if anyone asked & you paid taxes, you could have any pagan practice you wanted. There was no enforcement of religious doctrine that mattered.
KUMAR: That's right. In fact, compared to the sort of climate of religious intolerance in Europe, right, at the end of the 15th century--Jews are expelled from Spain, as are the Muslims, & so on. And Jews actually traveled to live in the Ottoman Empire & ... they actually experience progress in the region because it was a far more tolerant attitude towards religious diversity than being burnt at the stake.
JAY: Yeah. And in Europe, Catholics & Protestants are slaughtering each other for hundreds of years.
KUMAR: Absolutely.
JAY: This is not great liberal values. So when does Islamophobia rear its head again in a serious way?
KUMAR: So the story that I tell in the book is that there isn't one long stream of hatred between East & West in the clash of civilizations. Even during the time of the Crusades, you found different attitudes among Christians & Jews who lived in Al-Andalus. And then you see a complete dying down of these attitudes around 13th, 14th century. The rise of nationalism creates different attitudes, different enemies, & so on. And, in fact, there's great admiration for the Ottomans, because the Ottomans, compared to Europe--& remember, Europe is just coming out of the Dark Ages, & they see this really advanced civilization, incredible political administrative system, & they want to be like them. They consider the Ottomans to be Europeans of a sort.
But what happens is that once the Ottomans are defeated, in Vienna, for instance, & once they start to go into decline economically & politically compared to Europe, where you see the rise of capitalism & technology & so on, that's when there is the reemergence of these ideas, because there's a sense in which Europeans are superior, & therefore the white man's burden is to go off & vanquish these barbaric people.
JAY: And start colonizing the areas that were part of the Ottoman Empire.
KUMAR: Exactly. And so Edward Said, whose book Orientalism really charts the process by which a systematic body of knowledge is created to justifying empire, to justify European colonialism--.
JAY: Yeah, you've got to dehumanize those who you will either colonize or enslave.
KUMAR: Absolutely.
JAY: ... In the First World War & in the Second World War, much of the Islamic countries do side with the enemies of the West.
KUMAR: Yes, that's true.
JAY: I mean, does this kind of more modern roots of Islamophobia connect with the politics of both wars?
KUMAR: With the politics? Well, I mean, the Ottoman Empire, of course, sides not with the Allies & gets defeated, & then that becomes the basis from which to divide up the Ottoman Empire & create these arbitrary countries with the Sykes-Picot treaty, the infamous Sykes-Picot treaty.
And so the entire map of the region is pretty much planned out by France & by Britain. And, of course, they establish the mandate system by which to control the particular territories that they have carved out.
JAY: And ... you've got Lawrence of Arabia, which was, like, the movie that sort of--most people's history of that period is because they saw Lawrence of Arabia.
KUMAR: Yes. And that's, of course, a different kind of white savior narrative, isn't it, is that the barbarians can't liberate themselves & you need the Lawrence of Arabias to go in and rescue them.
JAY: And everyone in that movie, I mean, all the Arabs in that movie, those characters keep reappearing. ... I think if you were to track all the various stereotype, you find every one in Lawrence of Arabia.
KUMAR: Absolutely. In fact, Hollywood actually inherits the cultural tropes that were developed in Europe in the 19th century in the context of colonialism, right? And so the kind of images that you see in the paintings of Gérôme or Delacroix and these incredible Orientalist painters, Hollywood develops that language so that, a Jack Shaheen refers to this as an "Ali Baba kit", which is you want to make a movie about the Middle East, you have a desert, you have a sheik or two, you have some camels & an oasis, & that's all you need to know. And he's quite right. Sex and the City 2 pretty much follows that stereotype down to the last letter.
JAY: And then, when you get to post-World War II, you have a reshaping of the Middle East, & it begins ... to a large extent on a boat on Great Bitter Lake. President Roosevelt meets with Ibn Saud, from the Saud family, & kind of make a deal.
KUMAR: Yes. ... if Britain & France were the key colonial powers in the Middle East & North Africa, the Second World War unshakes their control over the region, & now the U.S. must establish its hegemony.
And so this pact with Saudi Arabia really is about an oil pact. It's about how to ensure the smooth flow of oil from the Middle East to aid the reconstruction of Europe, the Marshall Plan & so forth, & how to prevent any challenge from occurring to that agenda ... essentially it's about how to have client dictators in the region, both who sit on top of oil, as well as those who rule countries through which oil must pass. And that's the context in which Mohammad Mosaddegh, of course, who wants to nationalize the oil in Iran, is overthrown by the CIA.
JAY: And Saudi Arabia & some of the other Arab countries, the deal is: you'll give us safe oil, we'll keep you in power, & you will--especially with the Sauds--you will spread the extreme forms of Wahabbism throughout the region. And there's this Eisenhower quote ... essentially: we'll use the Saudis to defeat Nasserism, nationalism, & socialism. And the consequences we're seeing today.
But what I think's interesting culturally, if you go back to Disney movies of the time, Arabs always have these great big noses, they have little whiskers coming out, & they look like fat, greedy Saudi monarchy. And then Aladdin is Western-looking, & whoever he's in love with looks Western-looking, ... speaks with an American accent. But the point that's never made is these fat, ugly-looking monarchy types are all in power because of American policy.
KUMAR: Absolutely right. In fact, the rhetoric that actually develops is this wonderful & great resource, oil, black gold, does not--the Arabs don't deserve it. It's our resource. They just happen to be sitting on it. And so these are fat, fetid, & corrupt people.
But at the same time, let us not have any kind of challenge to their rule, right? This is oil for security, which is not just about security against external threats, but security against internal threats. Any movement that would attempt to destabilize the rule of the monarchy, of the Saud family, the U.S., CIA in particular, played a part in destabilizing, as I said earlier, whether it was workers movements, whether it was a constitutional movement, or what have you.
And today we don't talk--we talk a lot about ISIS's beheading of the two American journalists ... , and of course that's horrible, but we don't talk about how there've been dozens of beheadings in Saudi Arabia since the start of this year. I mean, this is one of the most reactionary countries in the world, where a family, Saud, gets to name an entire nation after itself & considers the land its property.
JAY: As you trace the history of Islamophobia, especially in American culture, do you see a change? And if so, what would the establishment of the state of Israel & U.S., essentially, total support & one-sided support over the years for Israel--?
KUMAR: Yeah. Well, the U.S., the history of U.S. Islamophobia actually is sort of--the language of Orientalism gets borrowed by the U.S., not just in Hollywood, but even within the academy. So people like Bernard Lewis and a whole bunch of scholars who used to be in the U.K. would migrate over because they see the winds of power shifting across the Atlantic. And so they would set up their own schools and all the rest of it to produce this kind of knowledge right here.
But the particular context for how the U.S. would respond to the events of 9/11, whereby war is seen as the sort of legitimate response to a criminal act, right? I mean, there were people around 9/11 who said, okay, the people responsible for this should be taken to the World Court & brought to justice & all the rest of it, but by that point there had been four decades of work wherein an act of this sort automatically necessitated war as the legitimate response. And that's the work that was done in the cultural sphere in terms of Hollywood. It's the work that was done in the political sphere, particularly in the alliance between the neoconservatives in this country & the Likud Party in Israel. So there is that kind of collaboration, & on creating a terrorist threat & rationalizing that terrorist threat, from the PLO to the Islamists and so forth.
JAY: And when you try to unpack liberal Democrats who on many issues, even foreign-policy issues, can be liberal, like, even vote against giving Bush authorization to invade Iraq, the Progressive Caucus, the Black Caucus, and so on, but when it comes to Israel, like the recent Israeli attacks on Gaza, not a pipsqueak, like, out of anybody in Congress ... But it seems to me--and maybe--I don't think there's been enough conversation about the Democratic Party pro-Israel stance in relationship to Islamophobia, because it seems to me what's at the core of it is Israel is an outpost of civilization surrounded by barbarians, and that no matter what they do, they're doing ... horrible things in Gaza, but they're keeping out the Islamic hordes. And so ... Liberal Democrats will support anything Israel does.
KUMAR: Absolutely, and that's because there's an affinity, isn't there, between Israel, the colonial settler state, and the United States, a colonial settler state. Let's not forget that it's liberal Democrats who would actually bring into being the national security state that we have in the post-World War II era. And they very consciously use the language of manifest destiny, which is that it is the role of the Anglo-Saxons to create, in their vision, a state across from one ocean--or from one ocean to the other, and so forth. That is very much the language of the liberal Democrats. And so you can see the connections. Both are colonial settler states with a certain vision of who the chosen people are. And there's a long history in this country of pushing back against Native Americans and so forth.
JAY: And just one other point, which is, again, completely ahistorical. There are some monsters that use Islam to create and conduct their monstrosities. But in almost every case, they are the product of U.S. policy, and that part gets left off, and all you do is focus on the monstrosity. And the same with Hitler. I mean, could Hitler have come to power without all the support he got from Henry Ford and all the General Motors and on and on? It's questionable whether there would have been a Hitler if American policy couldn't help create that. So we never talk about that. We just focus on the monster, Hitler.

Friday, December 29, 2017

Islamophobia & a Challenge to Bill Maher - Deepa Kumar on RAI (Part 1/5)

A great series of interviews with Deepa Kumar. She puts the right perspective on how US has always been interfering with the development & politics of developing countries, especially, Islamic countries. The whole interview can easily be summarized in the last line of interview, "the people of the Middle East and North Africa are just like everybody else. They want economic rights. They want political rights and so on. And if the U.S. just stopped interfering, we would see a flowering of a different kind of society."
Islamophobia is perpetuating lies that Islam is a backward religion because it doesn't give rights, for instance, to women. However, the problems of giving or not giving rights to women is more a cultural / political one than religious one. As Ms. Kumar says that by merely focusing on these topics & then equating these "to a problem of Islam as opposed to a problem of politics" perpetuate the notion that "all Muslims are backward, which is the very essence of Islamophobia."
Then, fundamentalism exists in every religion, & heck, even in atheism. Atheists are some of the most fundamentalist people in this world. Every religion has its die-hard followers; there are fundamentalist Muslims, Jews, Christians, Hindus, Buddhist etc. We can see how fundamentalist Buddhist killed, & still killing, poor Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar. We can see how die-hard Hindus (BJP is a very fundamentalist Hindu political party) killing Muslims in India over the issue of beef. Fundamentalist Christians / right wing militias roam free in US & have killed ethnic & racial minorities (African-Americans, South Asians etc.). Their actions are not attributed to their religions & no one asks other non-fundamentalist Christians, Buddhist or Hindus to absolve / distance themselves from the actions of their fundamentalist brethren in religion.
One thing which Paul Jay refers to, which I would really like to highlight is that how the whole world has been focusing on the barbarism of ISIS in Iraq & Syria. What about the barbarism of US when it dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima & Nagasaki, when, as the details are coming forth now, that they were not even needed to end WW2. If one starts to scrutinize American actions all over the world, we see that barbarism of ISIS is nothing compared to what America has done all over the world.
Now, the negative stereotypes of Muslims & Islam has been around since the birth of Islam in 600 AD. They have been perpetuating these stereotypes since the Crusades when the Pope wanted to unite all Christians under the flag of Crusades & paint all Muslims as one evil group of people who have been worshipping the bad or wrong God. The sad & unfortunate part is that even Muslims now are starting to believe in these stereotypes & think that Islam is the main reason which has been keeping Muslims & Muslim societies from developing. US & its Western allies also have their hands in this that they don't want Islamic societies to develop.
Islamic societies / countries have always been ready to develop (while living within the boundaries created by Quran & Prophet's tradition), either scientifically, politically, culturally, but alien forces (US & other Western powers) have always interfered in that development. The West / Global North want dictatorships in Middle East because it serves their own purpose. So, blaming the religion of Islam or thinking that Muslims are so backward in their thoughts that this is all they can come up with, is completely wrong. At the end of the day, a Muslim anywhere in the world is just like anyone else; he / she wants to live peacefully, enjoy his / her life here, peacefully earn a living, & then die a satisfied / happy person.
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PAUL JAY, SENIOR EDITOR, TRNN: So what's wrong with what Bill Maher said? Bill Maher is saying that there's a great denial of rights in much of the Muslim world, not just Islamic State, but Saudi Arabia and so on, and there isn't a lot of loud critique about it. And certainly the American left spends a lot more time critiquing the domestic right. So doesn't he have a point?
DEEPA KUMAR, ASSOC. PROF. MEDIA STUDIES AND MIDEAST STUDIES, RUTGERS UNIV.: Well, what Bill Maher said is a perfect example of what I call liberal Islamophobia, which is to take up liberal themes, such as human rights, women's rights, the rights of gays and lesbians, the right to free speech, and so on and makes a case of the so-called Muslim world, like it is one big monolith in which these rights are uniformly denied to people, and then proceeds to equate, in essence, the politics of ISIS with the politics of the 1.5 billion people who practice Islam, when in fact you actually look at Muslim majority countries, which is the term that I prefer, they vary widely in terms of, for instance, the status of women. In Bangladesh, for instance, we've had two women heads of state voted into power, Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina. But in Saudi Arabia, women aren't allowed to drive.
And so of course there are these kinds of examples from Muslim majority countries like Saudi Arabia, like Iran, where women's rights are restricted. But by focusing just on those and somehow equating this to a problem of Islam as opposed to a problem of politics, he winds up perpetuating this notion that all Muslims are backward, which is the very essence of Islamophobia.
JAY: He does something else, too. He ascribes, essentially, fundamentalism about the Quran, and then all believers in Islam are somehow also fundamentalists.
KUMAR: Right.
JAY: But he doesn't do that for Christianity, because there's just as much craziness in the Bible as there is in the Quran, I think. ...
KUMAR: No, you know, any religious text, whether it's the Quran or the Bible and so on, can be interpreted in multiple ways. There are progressive interpretations of it and then there are reactionary interpretations of it. ...
Imagine if for every act of terror committed by a Christian fundamentalist, a far-right militia person like Wade Michael Page, who went to Oak Creek, Wisconsin, and shot a gun at a Sikh temple and killed people and so on, now imagine if we were to generalize from Wade Michael Page to all of Christiandom, to all of the United States, and say, now everybody else should denounce this man and distance themselves from him; otherwise, you're all culpable. Now, that's completely ridiculous, and of course that would be ridiculous if we talk about Christians in the West, but apparently it's completely acceptable when it comes to talking about Muslims. And so even President Obama said moderate Muslims should separate themselves from ISIS and from other groups and so on. Why? In what way, shape, or form are regular Muslims responsible for fundamentalism any more than regular Christians are responsible for Christian fundamentalism or regular Jews for Jewish fundamentalists? You get the idea. We see those people as being the extreme wing of a particular religious interpretation.
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JAY: ... There is nothing the Islamic State has done that compares to the barbaric activity that the United States has done in Iraq and on and on, going right back to the atomic bombing of Japan. So if we're talking scale here, the Islamic State is a whisper of what the United States has done.
That being said, one does not need to hold back on describing IS as a barbaric, brutal force that the people of the region on the whole, you would think, will despise, just as much as most Afghans despise the Taliban.
KUMAR: Absolutely. I completely agree with that. ... in my book, actually, I have a pretty strong critique of the parties of political Islam, and I don't think we should be soft on that. There was a tendency back in the 1970s, when Foucault goes to Iran and so on, to see--particularly in France there was a tendency to somehow see the Islamists as being progressive and painting with progressive colors the Iranian Revolution and so forth. But I don't think that tendency exists anymore. I think, if anything, one of the first few pieces that I wrote on this topic is about the left and their attitudes towards political Islam, is how ignorant the left was in terms of, actually, Islamophobia and in terms of sort of equating the Islamists with all of Islam and all of Muslims and so forth. So I think that there is, in the United States especially, a sort of blind spot around Islamophobia and a lack of a nuanced analysis of who these groups are, why they come to power, and what the historic conditions are for their rise.
JAY: It seems to me where he is--one is this part of where he extends this to anyone who believes in Islam and tries to make Islam itself and come up with some quotes from the Quran that are particularly backward is one thing. But the second thing, which is this idea that he talks about our society having liberal values and free speech and this and that, you can argue what that's becoming and with this national surveillance state and so on, but it's still true. I mean, compared to a lot of societies, ... we can have this conversation, and we're not going to walk out and get arrested.
That being said, it's at home you have those things. The United States has 50, 60 years of supporting the worst kind of dictatorships everywhere, and particularly in the Middle East, whether it's supporting the Saudis and so on and so on. There's no support for these kind of values when it conflicts with American interests abroad.
KUMAR: Right. ... the narrative that gets constructed in the West and that Bill Maher and people like that are echoing is the clash of civilizations rhetoric, which was coined by Bernard Lewis and then popularized by Samuel Huntington, which is the idea that in the post-Cold War period, conflict would no longer be political, it will be cultural, and that there were seven or eight civilizations, each with their own unique cultures--the West and the Islamic world and so on--and that they are bound to conflict with each other.
... there are any number of problems. It's ahistorical, it's just wrong, and so on. But the problem I have with it, one problem, at least, is that it negates the fact that the rights that people do have in this country, whether you're talking about workers' rights, the rights of African Americans to vote, the right of women to vote, this didn't happen automatically because some benevolent president decided. It's people's movements, it's women fighting for 100 years and their male allies that caused suffrage, right? And, therefore, somehow to assume the liberal mantle as being the natural inheritance of what it means to be the West, starting from Greece to the present, and seeing the East, particularly Muslim majority countries, as being mired in barbarism, this is the classic language of colonialism, which whether Bill Maher knows it or not, that is what he's echoing. And, in fact, even in the East, in Iran, in Egypt, you've had Feminist movements, you've had women's rights movements, which we barely ever hear of.
JAY: Well, the roots of this go right back to the early days of the Catholic Church and the fighting against--the Crusades, and then the Ottoman Empire. I mean, it wasn't about liberal values then. It was about the true god, and they got the bad god, and we're going to fight it out. But it's kind of--the roots of it go very deep.
KUMAR: Absolutely, which is why my book is called Islamophobia and the Politics of Empire and it starts with the Crusades, because every empire needs an enemy. And at least one of the motivations for the Crusades was to create this ideal Muslim enemy, which could then motivate people to go out and fight wars. But it was always--there was always a very contradictory notion of how to look at the East, because even while the Crusades are going on, you have the most horrific stereotypes of Muslims and all the rest of it.
In al-Andalus, which is the name given to Muslim rule in the Iberian Peninsula--Spain and Portugal--you see the most advanced civilization. Remember, Europe is in the dark ages at this time, right, and here in al-Andalus you have street lighting, you have developments in science, medicine, and so on. In that region, Europeans had a very positive idea of Muslims and what they developed because they had actual contact with them. So, typically this idea of a Muslim enemy works when people have never met anybody from the Middle East or North Africa or have never traveled. And then the stereotypes can work, just as it's working in the case of ISIS and scaring people to death.
JAY: But I think one of the things that always gets missed in this conversation in the mainstream media is that these are class societies we're talking about, the Muslim societies, Arab societies. And in many of them, the classes that are in power are barbaric and they are backward and they do call up the worst of whatever you can call up in Islam, the same way you can find in Christian fanatical regimes in Latin America and other times.
KUMAR: Absolutely.
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JAY: I think part of it is ... like, if you're in any of the Muslim countries and you see what American policy in the Middle East has been, you are going to--unless you're in the elite and you somehow benefit from it, but even amongst the elites I think there's going to be resentment ... . The thing is: what else is there to have some sympathy for than the Islamist opposition? Why? Because the American policy and the Israeli policy destroyed the secular opposition.
KUMAR: That's right. And this has been happening through the course of the Cold War, when it was clear that the secular nationalists, whether you're talking about Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt or you're talking about Mohammad Mosaddegh in Iran, when it was discovered that they couldn't be co-opted to serve the U.S.'s interests in the region, the key policy from 1958 on with the Eisenhower doctrine was to create an Islamic bulwark to act as a counter to secular nationalism. And you read some of the accounts of what the CIA is doing, and they're putting poison into Nasser's cigarettes, they're trying to put poison into his chocolates, some of these sorts of awful things that you think happen only in the movies. But at a very systemic level what they're doing is funding and sponsoring all sorts of radical Islamist groups, all the way from Iran and across the region.
JAY: Well, and most importantly it starts with Roosevelt, the deal with the Sauds. I mean, the Saudis are the heart of all of this. And this was the deal, that the Saudis would use the defense of Mecca to be the force to spread Wahhabism throughout the region, and all this extremism is part of American policy.
KUMAR: Absolutely. In fact, the language that they used in the State Department is that they wanted the Saudi monarch to be an Islamic Pope and to use the legitimacy of being the guardians of Mecca and Medina to actually push people away from secularism. So absolutely. And Saudi Arabia had a very systematic program of Islamization, whether it was distributing Qurans for free, whether it was giving tons of petrodollars for setting up madrasas all over. Not just in the Middle East, but even in Pakistan they set up schools and colleges and send their preachers there and so forth. And the end result is the mujahideen, is al-Qaeda.
And, I mean, I think that's really important to bring up, because there's a tendency to somehow think of the parties of political Islam as being the sort of logical outcome of this region -- this is all that Muslims can produce. But if you don't talk about how left secular alternatives were systematically crushed by the U.S., by Saudi Arabia, by Israel, and so on, then you don't get a sense that these are people just like anybody else who have a range of politics.
JAY: And not only left-secular; they destroyed in Afghanistan a more normal capitalist development. They had a king that was a modernizer. They wanted to have a more modern capitalism. And they threw it all out the window to suck Russia into a war and then arming all the jihadists and, village elders who didn't know anything, give them rocket launchers, and they become the new powerbrokers. And then you wonder where the Taliban comes from.
KUMAR: Right. In fact, every single reformist and pro-democratic movement that has come into being in the Middle East and North Africa, the U.S. has always been on the wrong side of it, even in Saudi Arabia. There was a modest movement called the Free Princes Movement, where they wanted a constitutional monarchy. Would the U.S. have any of it? Absolutely not. They immediately dispatched forces to make sure these forces are marginalized. There was a workers movement in the Shia eastern region trying to form unions, but Aramco, at that time American-owned, would have none of it. And so they got rid of that. So every step towards creating rights for a whole group of people, from workers to women and so on and so forth, the U.S. is always been on the wrong side, including after the Arab Spring of 2011, right? So you look at the role that the U.S. is played: support the dictators till the very last second, and then back to counterrevolutionaries, whether it's Egypt and the military or it's giving the green light to Saudi Arabia to crush the resistance in Bahrain, what have you.
And so I think that framework is important, because then you start to see that the people of the Middle East and North Africa are just like everybody else. They want economic rights. They want political rights and so on. And if the U.S. just stopped interfering, we would see a flowering of a different kind of society.